Endnotes

1. Eberhard Jäckel, quoted in Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust: History, Theory, Trauma (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994) 49.

2. Theodor W. Adorno, "Erziehung nach Auschwitz," in Erziehung zur Mündigkeit, (Frankurt: Suhrkamp, 1975) 88.

3. Adorno, "Erziehung nach Auschwitz," 89.

4. Léon Poliakov, Harvest of Hate: The Nazi Program for the Destruction of the Jews of Europe, (New York: Holocaust Library, 1979.

5. Peter J. Haas, Morality after Auschwitz: The Radical Challenge of the Nazi Ethic (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988) 4. As Haas points out: Once the Jews could be symbolized as posing, by their very nature, a mortal threat to German culture, there were certain ethical ramifications. These ramifications based on formal notions of self-defense are perfectly understandable in light of our style of ethical discourse, a discourse that has operated in unbroken continuity with the past . . .

6. Haas, Morality after Auschwitz, 14.

7. Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust: History, Theory, Trauma, (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994) 108.

8. LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust, 102.

9. Harold Kaplan, Conscience and Memory: Meditations in a Museum of the Holocaust, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) 13. Pointing to a crucial component of the Nazi pseudo-ethic, Kaplan states: "There is no question that Hitler fought hard to liberate his people from all moral inhibitions against the use of violence. But he could only do so by making them swear allegiance to himself."

10. Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) 3. He explicates this concept further: Few, apparently, were prepared to concede (few still are) that in the other world of the Holocaust, what we consider evil was for the Nazis an expression of good, spported by a political and moral value system totally alien to our orthodox minds.

11. See Adorno, "Erziehung nach Auschwitz," 88.

12. The Austrian-American literary scholar Andreas Lixl-Purcell points out: As much as objective interpretations may succeed in providing us with analytical insights into the barbarism of Nazi politics, they cannot convey the subjective and emotional dimension. But it is exactly this private sense of solidarity and identification with the victims of the Holocaust that establishes a contextual bridge to understanding the past. Cf. Andreas Lixl-Purcell, "Women's Holocaust Memoirs," Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook (1994) 237.

13. Ruth Klüger has completed an English translation of weiter leben, which as-of-yet remains unpublished.

14. Grete Salus, Niemand, nichts--ein Jude: Theresienstadt, Auschwitz, Oederan (1958; Darmstadt: Verlag Darmstädter Blätter, 1981) 38.

15. Salus, 33.

16. Salus, 34.

17.Lucie Begov, Mit meinen Augen: Die Botschaft einer Auschwitz-Überlebenden, (Gerlingen: Bleicher, 1983) 182-83.

18. Kaplan, Conscience and Memory, 34.

19. Anja Lundholm, Das Höllentor: Bericht einer Überlebenden (Hamburg: Rowohlt, 1988) 98.

20. Lundholm, 98.

21. Ruth Klüger, weiter leben: Eine Jugend, (Göttingen: Wallstein, 1992) 97.

22. Klüger, 108.

23. Klüger, 107.

24. Lundholm, 136.

25. Klüger, 101.

26. Begov, 196.

27. Klüger, 106.

28. Klüger, 122.

29. Andrea Reiter, Auf daß sie entsteigen der Dunkelheit: Die literarische Bewältigung von KZ-Erfahrung (Vienna: Löcker, 1995) 122-23

30. Klüger, 166.

31. Begov, 20.

32. Reiter, 71.

33. Reiter, 137.

34. Reiter, 161.

35. Kaplan, 49.

36. Adorno, 93.

37. See Adorno, 104.

38. See Adorno, 93.